Current Affairs

Denotified tribes seek constitutional recognition, separate Census entry

Context: Denotified tribes, nomadic tribes, semi-nomadic tribes seek ‘separate column’ in 2027 caste census, claiming they have been politically misclassified among SC, ST, OBC groups; they want sub-classification to highlight backwardness within grouping.

• Denotified tribes, nomadic tribes, and semi-nomadic tribes across the country are coming together to push for a “separate column” for themselves in Census 2027 . Their demand is for constitutional recognition of the denotified tribes in a Schedule, on a par with the existing classifications of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SC/STs) and Other Backward Classes (OBCs).
• In February 2027, India will conduct a caste enumeration for the first time since 1931. Five years after that 1931 Census, the origins of the Scheduled Castes list came into being in the form of the Government of India (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1936.
• Half a century earlier, in 1871, a colonial law had classified entire communities, particularly nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes, as “criminals”. After the law was repealed in 1952, these groups came to be known as “denotified” tribes.
• The Social Justice Ministry has now recommended to the Office of the Registrar-General of India that these denotified, nomadic, and semi-nomadic tribes be included in the Census. The Office of the RGI has agreed to include them in next year’s caste enumeration exercise, Ministry officials assured community leaders in North India in a virtual meeting on January 30.

‘Separate column’

• “But we have no idea how they will do this,” B.K. Lodhi, a community organiser in Uttar Pradesh who was at the meeting, told The Hindu. “If we are not counted in a separate column, a separate code, in the Census forms, we will be lost once again,” said Balak Ram Sansi, 63, a Karnal-based organiser with the All India Denotified Nomadic Tribes Development Council.
• Even as leaders from denotified, nomadic, and semi-nomadic communities across Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Punjab, Rajasthan, and other parts of North India are fighting to have their own Schedule, some leaders have started to stress the importance of recognising “graded backwardness” within this grouping as well.
• They want the demand for sub-classification to go hand in hand with that for a separate Schedule. These leaders, like Dr. Lodhi, are drawing their arguments from an August 2024 judgment, in which the Supreme Court paved the way for sub-classification of SCs and STs.

Denotified tribes

• The Criminal Tribes Act was first enacted in 1871 and then amended in 1924, before being officially repealed on August 31, 1952. The 1871 Act said it was for the “registration, surveillance and control of certain criminal tribes and eunuchs”, describing “criminal tribes” as “tribe, gang, or class of persons” that are “addicted” to committing non-bailable offences. “These communities were among the first to confront the British and sustained the struggle. That is why the colonial government classified us as ‘criminal tribes’,” Mr. Sansi said.
• The previous National Commission for Denotified Tribes, headed by Bhiku Ramji Idate, identified 1,200 such tribes, most of which have been assimilated in the SC, ST, or OBC classifications over the past seven decades. In its 2017 report, however, the Idate Commission listed 267 DNT communities that have not been classified as such. Dr. Lodhi, who served as Deputy Secretary and Director (Research) to the Idate Commission, said, “Most of the DNTs have been amalgamated in the SC, ST, OBC lists and they are not able to compete in these categories because of how marginalised they are.” Mr. Sansi said it was “politics” that led to the DNT communities being “misclassified”.

No caste certificates

• Despite schemes for DNTs run by both the State and the Centre, such as the SEED scheme, only a “miniscule” percentage of people are getting benefits, mainly because governments are not willing to issue DNT certificates, the leaders said.
• The Social Justice Ministry has only spent ₹69.3 crore on the SEED scheme in the past five years (as of December 2025), compared to the planned expenditure of ₹200 crore. “The reason for this is that no State is issuing proper DNT community certificates for us despite reminders from the Centre,” Dr. Lodhi said.

Manipur President’s Rule ends; Khemchand new CM

Context: Will prioritise peace, says the Chief Minister; BJP’s Kuki-Zo member Nemcha Kipgen and Losii Dikho of the Naga People’s Front sworn in as Deputy CMs; two more MLAs take oath as Ministers

• The installation of a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance government, with a Meitei leader at the helm, brought an end to nearly a year of President’s Rule in Manipur.
• Around 6 p.m., Manipur Governor Ajay Kumar Bhalla administered the oath of office to former Assembly Speaker and martial artist Yumnam Khemchand Singh as the State’s second Chief Minister since the 2022 election.
• The first, Nongthombam Biren Singh, resigned on February 9, 2025, following the ethnic conflict between the Kuki-Zo and Meitei communities that broke out on May 3, 2023. The swearing-in ceremony followed the revocation of President’s Rule, which was imposed on February 13, 2025.
• Mr. Khemchand Singh represents the BJP from the Singjamei constituency.
• The BJP’s Kangpokpi MLA, Nemcha Kipgen, from the Kuki-Zo community, and Naga People’s Front MLA Losii Dikho, a Naga leader representing the Mao constituency, were sworn in as Deputy Chief Ministers. The former took the oath virtually from Manipur Bhavan in New Delhi.
• Two other Meitei MLAs — Govindas Konthoujam of the BJP (Bishnupur) and Khuraijam Loken Singh of the National People’s Party (Wangoi) — were sworn in as Ministers at the Lok Bhavan in Manipur’s capital, Imphal. “There will always be challenges. We will prioritise peace and work for the State’s development and growth,” Mr. Khemchand Singh said after swearing in.

Russia sounds alarm as New START treaty is set to expire

Context: The last nuclear treaty between Washington and Moscow is set to expire tomorrow; Moscow awaiting U.S. response to one-year extension offer; Russian drones strike Ukraine ahead of talks

• The Kremlin warned on Tuesday that the world was heading into a “dangerous” moment as the last U.S.-Russia nuclear treaty is set to expire this week.

• New START, the last nuclear treaty between Washington and Moscow after decades of agreements dating to the Cold War, is set to expire on Thursday, and with it restrictions on the two top nuclear powers.

• “In just a few days, the world will be in a more dangerous position than it has ever been before,” spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said. The Kremlin, which has offered a one-year extension of the treaty, said “we still haven’t received a response from the Americans to this initiative”.
• If the treaty is not extended, the world’s top two nuclear powers would “be left without a fundamental document that would limit and control these arsenals,” for the first time.
• U.S. President Donald Trump, who cut many international agreements limiting the United States, said in September that an extension of the New START “sounds like a good idea,” but little has changed since then.
• Meanwhile, Russia fired around 450 long-range drones and 70 missiles of various types at Ukraine in a major attack overnight, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said.
• The barrage came a day before the two countries were due to attend U.S.-brokered talks in Abu Dhabi.

SC questions WhatsApp, Meta on personal data

Context: The Supreme Court said it would not permit instant messaging platform WhatsApp and its parent company, Meta, to breach the right to privacy of millions of their “silent consumers” in India through the sharing and commercial exploitation of personal data.

• A three-judge Bench headed by Chief Justice of India Surya Kant, addressing Meta and WhatsApp, compared the sharing of private data to a “decent way of committing theft”, saying by now “you must have taken away millions of bytes of data”. WhatsApp and Meta, led by senior advocates Mukul Rohatgi and Amit Sibal, objected to the court’s observations, saying users could ‘opt out’ of data sharing and that prior consent was cardinal. WhatsApp stressed that messages on its platform were end-to-end encrypted.
• Chief Justice Kant asked the online entities whether a poor street vendor or a person living in rural areas would be able to navigate the complicated and “cleverly-crafted” language of consent and be able to take an informed decision.

Value of shared data

• Justice Joymalya Bagchi, who, along with Justice Vipul M. Pancholi, formed part of the Bench, said every silo of data relating to an individual — whether private or not — had value.
• He pointed out that the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act of 2023, India’s first legal framework for digital personal data privacy, covered only the factor of privacy. There seemed to be nothing in the law on the sharing of the data value of a consumer.
• “The DPDP Act only addresses privacy. We would like to examine the rent-sharing of data. Behavioural trends and tendencies can be utilised and monetised. Your (WhatsApp’s) parent company can leverage it for online advertising…,” Justice Bagchi observed.
• The Chief Justice gave an example of a person communicating online with his doctor about medicines, only to get advertisements or notifications about medical services minutes later.
• Solicitor-General Tushar Mehta present in the courtroom, said “our private data is not only sold, but it is commercially exploited. We are not only consumers, but also products”.
• The Bench impleaded the Centre, through the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, as a party in the case. Justice Bagchi said the Centre has to compare the DPDP Act and the European Union’s (EU) strict online governance rules under the Digital Services Act. “The EU rules consider not only privacy but also value. I may have personal data of variously graded privacy. Privacy is lost as soon as I share certain data. Is it an acceptable jurisprudential idea that once data is shared, there is no value for that data any more?” Justice Bagchi asked.
• The court was hearing petitions filed by Meta and WhatsApp against a National Company Law Appellate Tribunal decision last year that upheld a ₹213.14-crore penalty imposed by the Competition Commission of India (CCI).
• Posting the case for interim directions on February 9, the Chief Justice said, “You cannot take advantage of these millions of silent consumers who have no voice”.

Pennaiyar river dispute: SC directs Centre to form tribunal

Context: The Supreme Court directed the Centre to constitute a tribunal to adjudicate the dispute between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka over the sharing of Pennaiyar river water.

• A Bench, headed by Justice Vikram Nath, directed the Centre to issue a notification to constitute the inter-State water disputes tribunal within a month. “The Centre may place the complaint filed by Tamil Nadu before the tribunal upon its constitution,” the Bench said. This direction of the court comes under Section 5 of the Inter-State River Water Disputes Act of 1956.
• In 2018, Tamil Nadu moved the Supreme Court against Karnataka over its work on dams and diversions structures on the river. Karnataka had no right to utilise the waters of Pennaiyar to the detriment of the people of Tamil Nadu, the State had told the court. Tamil Nadu argued that the flowing of water of an inter-State river was a national asset and no single State could claim exclusive ownership of its water. An 1892 agreement over the river water was “valid and binding” on the party States, it had contended.
• Tamil Nadu had wanted a prohibition on Karnataka from initiating any new schemes in the Pennaiyar basin until a tribunal was constituted by the Centre.

Tulu as official language

• ‘Govt. favourable to declaring Tulu as official language’

Context: The State government is in favour of declaring Tulu as Karnataka’s second official language and said a decision would be taken after studying the models adopted by West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh, Kannada and Culture Minister Shivaraj Tangadagi informed the Legislative Assembly.

• Replying to a question by Congress member Ashok Rai, the Minister said an official team had visited West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh to study the second official language models followed in those States. However, the team is yet to submit its report.
• Once received, a meeting will be convened with Chief Minister Siddaramaiah to take a decision, he said. Andhra Pradesh has declared Urdu as its second official language, he added. Members cutting across party lines from Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts urged the government to declare Tulu as the second official language of the State.
• Pointing out that Tulu academies have been established and universities are offering courses in the language, Mr. Rai, who represents Puttur, said the State should accord official status to Tulu. Intervening, Speaker U.T. Khader also supported the demand and said the government should seriously consider the proposal.
• Mr. Rai said Tulu has a history of over 3,000 years, has its own script, and is included in Google Translate. He added that the language is being researched by foreign universities.
• The previous BJP government in 2023 had constituted a committee headed by educationist Mohan Alva, which recommended that Tulu could be declared the State’s second official language under Article 345 of the Constitution. The committee had also suggested forming a panel to study the practices followed by other States.
• BJP member D. Vedavyasa Kamath demanded an early decision on declaring Tulu as an official language.
• The House witnessed lighter moments when Mr. Khader and other members from the region interacted in Tulu for a brief while. “I don’t know what abuse Mr. Kamath showered upon me in Tulu,” Mr. Tangadagi remarked.
• Responding, Mr. Khader said, “Don’t worry. When Tulu people express praise or abuse, it is with love and affection.”
• Immediately, Deputy Speaker Rudrappa Manappa Lamani demanded the official language status to the Lambani language.

India’s Labour Codes

Future of work: India’s youth under the new Codes

Context: The four Labour Codes aim to promote formalisation of employment and improve ease of doing business; gap in coverage of benefits is a major challenge.

• India’s Labour Codes came into force in November 2025, marking the most significant labour law reform since Independence. By consolidating 29 central laws into four Codes, the reform aims to simplify compliance, universalise minimum wages, expand social protection, and modernise workplace regulation. Policy debates often portray the Codes as a balancing act between labour flexibility and worker protection.
• Prior to the consolidation, India’s labour regime was fragmented across multiple Central and State laws governing wages, industrial relations, social security, and working conditions. With labour on the Concurrent List, this resulted in uneven enforcement and wide inter-State variation. Crucially, most protections applied only to the formal sector, leaving informal, contract, and casual workers, who form the bulk of the workforce, outside the scope of regulation. Against this backdrop, the government introduced four Labour Codes between 2019 and 2020.
• In 2024, India’s median age was under 30, compared to around 40 in China and 50 in Japan. With nearly half the population still young, understanding how these changes affect youth employment is critical.
• Despite its demographic advantage, India faces a pronounced youth employment crisis. According to the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) 2023-24, labour force participation among those aged 15-29 stood at 46.5%, far below the 76.4% observed among those aged 30-59. Youth unemployment is 10.2%, compared to less than 1% for older adults.

• Gender disparities further widen these gaps. Only 28.8% of young women participate in the labour force, compared to 63.5% of young men. In urban areas, unemployment among young women reached 20.1%.
• Across all PLFS rounds, young workers are more likely than adults to be unpaid family workers within self-employment. They are disproportionately concentrated in informal employment. In 2023-24, nearly 90% of young workers were informally employed. Even within regular salaried jobs, 60.5% of young regular workers lacked social security, compared to 50.5% among workers above 30.
• Contractual insecurity is also higher among youth. In 2023-24, 66.1% of young regular workers had no written contract, versus 53.6% for older ones. Only 16.5% of young workers had long-term contracts exceeding three years, compared to 35.4% among adults.
• Young workers are also overrepresented in platform-based gig work. A NITI Aayog estimate suggests that 77 lakh workers were engaged in the gig economy in 2020-21, a figure projected to rise to 2.35 crore by 2029-30.
• Against this backdrop, the new Labour Codes aim to promote formalisation while improving the ease of doing business. The introduction of a statutory national floor wage could raise earnings for young workers clustered in low-paid, entry-level jobs. If firms increasingly rely on fixed-term contracts, the Codes mandate parity in wages and benefits with permanent workers.
• The requirement of appointment letters for all workers and guaranteed wage payments, even during leave, strengthens baseline employment security. The Code on Social Security extends welfare schemes covering health, maternity, disability, education, and skill development to unorganised workers. Gig and platform workers are explicitly recognised in national law, with provisions for registration from age 16 and the creation of National and State Social Security Boards. Unlike the earlier Unorganised Workers’ Social Security Act (2008), which had limited impact, the new Code offers clearer institutional mechanisms.
• Labour market transparency is also enhanced through mandatory vacancy reporting to career centres. The Industrial Relations Code further affects youth employment by reducing hiring frictions through a higher retrenchment threshold. It provides legal clarity for contract labour and fixed-term employment categories dominated by young workers while extending benefits such as leave, health cover, social security, and gratuity to fixed-term employees after just one year of service.
• However, several challenges remain. Many provisions for unorganised and gig workers mirror those under the 2008 Act, including a size-based definition of enterprises with fewer than 10 workers. PLFS 2023-24 shows that 42.7% of young workers lack written contracts, and nearly one-fifth of them work in enterprises with more than 10 workers, leaving significant gaps in coverage. Discretionary language in provisions for gig workers and weak statistical definitions of digital platform employment complicate coverage, especially given widespread multiple job-holding. Despite the Second National Commission on Labour having urged the government as early as 2002 to modernise labour protections in response to technological change and evolving work arrangements, two decades later, policy follow-through and statistical innovation have been slow.

• These gaps point to an urgent need for stronger labour data systems and proactive worker registration. Identifying gig and platform workers in national surveys, instead of subsuming them under broad self-employment categories, would strengthen policy design and protection.